د عمرانخان او قريشي د پام وړ :
پنجاب د مفتي محمود پنځوس کلنه زړه نسخه د طالب امارت په نوم په افغانستان کې وکاروله
پنجاب ولې هغه وخت له مفتي محمود سره په پروني سرحد يا نننۍ پښتونخوا کې تعامل ونه کړ چې نن يې پنجاب د طالبانو په تړاو په افغانستان کې له نړۍ کوي؟
د ضياءالحق له وخته تر عمرانخانه خو د نظام مصطفی او د رياست مدينه پته ونه ولګېده. هېښنده لا دا چې د ځان لپاره نظام مصطفی او رياست مدينه نه غواړي، خو د نورو لپاره بيا د لارډ ميکائيل تر چتر لاندې اسلامي امارت غواړي
نوټ : عمرانخان او پنجاب دې د طالبانو په تړاو له تعامل غوښتنه نه کوي، بلکې پنجاب او طالبان دې دواړه د نړۍ او هم د افغان ولس له هيلو او غوښتنو سره تعامل او جوړجاړی وکړي. پنجاب پينځه لسيزې مخکې د دې ډول تعاملونو ورانکاری او مخته خنډ پاتې شوی. خپله يې له مفتي محمود سره په هېوادنۍ کچه تعامل نه شو کولی او نن له نړۍ غواړي چې د خپل يو لاسپوڅي نظام د پايښت لپاره ورسره تعامل وکړي. ولې؟ نړۍ له چا سره تعامل وکړي؟ له پنجاب او که له طالب سره؟ د پنجاب له انګله او که د افغانستان له انګله؟
By Sayyid Mahbub Rizwi, Prof. Murtaz Husayn F. Qurayshi and others
Sayyid Mahbub Rizwi writes:
He is an inhabitant of Kalachi in District Dera Isma’il Khan. The year of his birth is circa A.H. 1342. Initially he received education in his nativeplace and Baluchistan. In Shawwal, A.H. 1364, he took admission in the Dar al-Ulum, Deoband, and graduated from it in A.H. 1365. For five to six years he rendered teaching services in Najm al-Madaris, Kalachi, etc.; and established a madrasah in Kot Azam for teaching the Holy Quran and Urdu.
He has good insight in Hadith and Fiqh. His fetwas are respected and relied upon in Pakistan and he is reckoned amongst the distinguished ulema of Pakistan. Along with having insight in the religious sciences, he has also had deep knowledge of the modern sciences. He is very dauntless and forthright in speaking the truth. He graces the post of organiser in the Jami’at al-Ulama-e Pakistan and has been, at a time, a member of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. He was also chief-minister in the North West Frontier Province for some time and during his ministry he eradicated many Shara’i indecencies. He has also represented Pakistan in the Egyptian Mutamar-e A’lam-e Islami.
His academic and political services continue even today.1 His efforts in getting the Qadiani sect constitutionally declared a non-Muslim minority have been important. At present he is the president of the Mutahadda Muhaz (United Front) of Pakistan. He commands a conspicuous position in the Pakistani politics.
Prof. Murtaz Husayn F. Qurayshi (translator of above) as a footnote writes:
But these services have ceased on and from 14th October, 1980, when, at Karachi, he deid of a massive heart attack. He was already a patient of chronic diabetes but with his strong will power he went on serving and defending the religion. From Karachi his bier was taken on 15th October, by a special plane, to his residence at Multan, where he was principal and Professor of Hadith in the Madrasah Qasim al-Ulum. After funeral prayer there, it was again taken to his birth-place, Paniala, for the final funeral service and burial.
This information has been culled from an obituary notice Maulana Manzoor Naumani has written in his esteemed monthly, Al-Furqan (Lucknow), (the combined 10th-11th issue of Oct.-Nov., 1980). According to this obituary, Maulana Mufti Mahmud was born at Paniala, a village in Dera Ismail Khan, in a zamindar family, in Rabi al-Sani, A.H. 1337 (A.D. 1919). After having passed the Matriculation Examination from the Govt. High School, Paniala, and finishing the primary books of Grammar and Logic at home, the dominant penchant for religious education made him join the Madrasa-e Shahi at Moradabad, where he read under the instruction of Maulana Sayyid Fakhr al-Din and other teachers and completed the Daura-e Hadith in 1360/1940.
He was one of those Indian ulema who had staunchly opposed the vivisection of the country and the formation of Pakistan. As such, for a long time, he could not take any part in the Pakistani politics. Later on, however, when the atmosphere became favourable, he successfully fought three elections (1962, 1970 and 1977) to become a member of the National Assembly, and formed and headed a ministry in 1972 in the N.W.F.P. but later resigned along with his colleagues in protest against the steps taken by President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. A very popular public figure for his dervish-like lifestyle and a towering personality in the Pakistani politics, it was Maulana Mufti Mahmud who led the movement against Mr. Bhutto’s political skulduggery that put an end to his regime.
Nearly ten months back Mufti Sahib had come to India to attend the Centenary Celebrations of the Dar al-Ulum, Deoband, his alma mater, from where he also went to visit Dar al-Ulum Nadvat al-Ulama, Lucknow, and stayed there for two, three days. May Allah have mercy on him!
For details, vide the said issues of Al-Furqan. (Translator).
Rizvi, Sayyid Mahboob (1981). History of the Dar al-’Ulum Deoband, Volume 2. Deoband: Idara-e Ihtemam. p. 124-125.
Wikipedia, online encyclopedia, has the following entry:
Maulana Mufti Mahmud (Pashto: مولانا مفتى محمود), was an influential cleric, veteran member of Congress Party, and the founding member of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI). Born in January 1919, he was an ethnic Marwat Pashtun and hailed from Abdul Khel. He was a militant activist of the Indian National Congress, participating in the Indian Independence Movement in 1940s. He opposed the idea of independence and campaigned against the Muslim League.
After the 1970 General Elections, he became the president of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam founded by Moulana Shabir Ahmed Usmani. And into a coalition with the National Awami Party & Pakistan Peoples Party. On March 1, 1972, he was elected as the Chief Minister of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. He along with his cabinet resigned in protest at the dismissal of the NAP – JUI (F) coalition government in Balochistan on 14 February 1973.
Mufti Mahmud played a vital role in the debate on Tehreek-e-Khatme Nabuwwat in Pakistan. He led a team of Islamic Scholars which worked for the declaration of Qayiyanis (Ahmedis and Lahori Groups) as non-Muslims in the Special Committee from Aug till Sep 1974. He got influence and popularity after this issue.
He supported Afghan-Jihad against USSR (see also Soviet-Afghan War). He died on 14 October 1980. He was buried in Abdul Khel, Paniala, his home town. His son Fazal-ur-Rahman would became a notable in the national politics of Pakistan as well.
Wikipedia. (-). Mufti Mahmud. Available: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mufti_Mahmud. Last accessed 7th April 2014.
Storyofpakistan.com, online Pakistani resource:
Mufti Mehmood was born on January 1919 in Paniala, District Dera Ismail Khan (N.W.F.P.). He acquired his religious education from Jamia Qasimiya in Muradabad. During 1937 elections was a campaigner of Jamiat-ul-Ulama-e-Hind. After completion of his education in 1941 he served as a teacher in Isa Khel Mian Wali till 1944. During the ‘Quit India’ movement in 1942 against the British, Mufti Mahmood took part in the campaign on behalf of Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind. He was not only an elected Member of its Majlis-e-Amila but also Councilor the party. In 1950, he got a teaching job in Madrassa Qasim-ul-Uloom in Multan. Later on, he served at positions of chief Mudarras, In charge of Education, Chief Mufti, Sheikh-ul-Hadith, and Muhtamim. As a Mufti, he passed on at least 25,000 Fatawa.
Mufti Mahmood took an active part in Tahreek-e-Khatm-e-Nabuwwat in 1953. Being deadly against Ayub Khan’s One Unit Scheme, he was arrested in 1956. In April1962, he took part in the elections for the National Assembly Seat for the first time under Basic Democracy Program and defeated all the opponents. On 14th July 1962 when law was passed to re-instate all the Political Parties, Mufti Mahmood took charge of Jamiat-Ulema-Islam as Qaim Maqam Ameer and in 1963 he became its Naib Ameer. He was critical of family planning and other policies of Ayub Khan government. Mufti Mahmood was one of the central leaders of “Jamhoori Majlis-e-Amal” that was formed in Dacca by Pakistan’s political parties in Dacca on 8 January 1968. Then in May 1970, Pakistan’s 18 religious and political Parties formed a “Muttahida Deeni Mahaz” whose President was Mufti Mahmood. In December, Elections were held and Mufti Mahmood gained a landslide victory against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in the Dera Ismail Khan constituency.
On 26 March, the three main political parties made an agreement that was signed by Z. A. Bhutto from PPP, Abdul Wali Khan from NAP, and Mufti Mahmood from JUI. On 1 May, Mufti Mahmood took oath as Chief Minister of the NWFP. During his tenure as Chief Minister he took introduced many reforms: Forbidding Alcohol; announcing Urdu as Official Language in Government offices; forbidding western dress in the Government Departments, implementing Jahaiz Act, Ban on Betting; making nazira (reading of Quran) a pre-requisite for admission in educational institutions; Enforcing Pardah; Ramazan Ordinance; Ban on Interest; Friday as Holiday and formation of a Board for formalizing Islamic Laws. He was quite efficient and strict in his administration but in 1973, he resigned from his position of chief minister as a protest against the unfair dismissal of the Balochistan Government. In the same year, various political parties of Pakistan formed a coalition of the “Muttahida Jamhoori Mahaz” in order to combat the undemocratic and autocratic ways of Bhutto. Mufti Mahmood was appointed as its Vice-President. Thus Mufti Mahmood played an important role in civil disobedience movement against the Bhutto government.
On 30 June, 137 members of the National Assembly proposed a resolution demanding to declare Qadianis as non-Muslims and Mufti Mahmood’s name was at the top of the list. During Bhutto era and later in Zia regime he actively worked for enforcing Nizam-e-Mustafa in the country. In 1979, when Russians attacked Afghanistan, Mufti Mahmood issued a fatwa for Jehad against the Russians and the puppet regime in Afghanistan. In 1980 he expressed his confidence in General Zia ul Haq’s Islamization but later issued a fatwa against the deduction of Zakat from the salaries of the Government servants. He also established the MRD in the same year.
نوټ : ولې وفاقي حکومت هغه وخت له هغه سره تعامل ونه کړ؟ بالاخره وفاقي (مرکزي) حکومت مجبور شو چې له برتانيا سره په سلا ومشوره يې پر نوموړي د صوبې د کارمندانو مياشتېني معاشونه (تنخواګانې) بندې کړې او هم يې پر صوبه د اوړو او خوراکي توکو بنديز ولګولو، نو مفتي محمود مجبور او په پای کې له پښو وغورځېد او حکومت يې هم ختم شو چې بيا د روسانو له راتګ پنجاب ته خدای ښه لنګه غوا ورکړه چې تر ننه يې لا کله د مجاهد، طالب او د داعش په نوم شېدې خوري. لوړه بيه به افغانان ورکوی او امتيازات به يې د پنجاب وي.
سره له دې چې مفتي محمود په ښکاره خپله استعفا له بلوچستان سره د مرکزي حکومت ناوړه او نامنصفانه چلند وښود، ولې له شک پرته چې مرکزي حکومت تر ننه له نورو لږه کيو لکه سنديانو او پښتنو سره هم همغسې چلند نه کوي لکه هومره چې مرکزي هستې (پنجاب) سره کوي. دا ښه خبره ده چې مفتي محمود د بلوڅانو له حقه ملاتړ کولو، ولې پښتانه هم له خپلو حقه حقوقو هم محروم ول او تر ننه هم محروم دي، ولې يې دغه د بې انصافۍ غږ د پښتنو لپاره هغې نه بدرګه کولو چې د مرکزي حکومت پاملرنه ورته راواوړي. له بده مرغه تر ننه زموږ دغه اسلامپاله ګوندونه د پنجاب په نغوته د کشمير ترانې زمزمه کوي. هر يو يې همدا وايی چې ((د افغانستان مساله د کشمير پورې تړاو لري)). ولې پنجاب موږ د جهاد په پلمه د خپلې پراختيا غوښتنې لپاره د بل په ډب کې برمته کړي وي؟ له فضل الرحمانه راواخله تر حامد الحق او پلاره پورې يې او ان تر سراج الحقه پورې ټول همدا يوه خبره کوي چې ((ترڅو چې د کشمير مساله حل شوې نه وي د افغانستان مساله نه شي حل کېدای)). لروبر افغان ولس د پنجاب د سياسي ونظامي برلاسۍ لپاره برمته شوی دی او نوم د مذهب او د شريعت کاروي.
ښايي چې تاسې به په افغانستان کې د جنګ غوښتونکي نه ياست، ولې زړه تګلاره مو همغسې ده لکه څنګه ورته جوړه شوې ده. مولانا فضل الرحمان د خپل پلار هغه زړه نسخه چې خپله پکې له اقتصادي ستونزو او له خپل مرکزي (وفاقي) حکومت سره له پښو وغورځېدلی وو اوس يې نظاميانو او څارګرې ادارې پينځه لسيزې وروسته د طالبانو په نوم د اسلامي امارت (اسارت) په نوم تطبيق کړه.
مفتي محمود چې د خپل حکومت تاب رانه وړ، نو زموږ دا لېونيان او د الله تعالی سر زوري ساده ګان به څنګه په تش لاس له ټولې نړۍ سره ډغرې ووهي؟ تاسې چې هغه وخت له مفتي محمود سره تعامل نه شو کولی او له مخې مو لېرې کړ، نو څنګه له نړۍ نه په افغانستان کې د دوی تند لارۍ او سختو کړنلارو تمه کوئ چې ستا په خوله ورسره تعامل وکړي؟ ولې؟
ايا نړۍ په څلورو ده او که پنجاب؟
ايا نړۍ په څلورو ده او که طالبان؟
افغانستان يو تاريخي هېواد دی چې د تاريخ په اوږدو کې له ډېر لوړو ژورو نه تېر شوی او راوتلی دی.
له امريکا او نورې نړيوالې ټولنې د دې تمه مه کوئ چې هغوی دې له تاسې سره تعامل وکړي. دا يو آمرانه حکم دی او هغوی ستا د لاس لاندې نه دي، بلکې تاسې يې له لاس لاندې ياست.
نړۍ درته خپله تګلاره ((فورمول)) يا په ساده ټکو د لارې نقشه کښلې ده :
- The United States will request the recognition and endorsement of the United Nations Security Council for this agreement.
- The United States and the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan(16) which is not recognized by the United States as a state and is known as the Taliban seek positive relations with each other and expect that the relations between the United States and the new post-settlement Afghan Islamic government as determined by the intra-Afghan dialogue and negotiations will be positive.
- The United States will seek economic cooperation for reconstruction with the new post-settlement Afghan Islamic government as determined by the intra-Afghan dialogue and negotiations, and will not intervene in its internal affairs.
Signed in Doha, Qatar on February 29, 2020, which corresponds to Rajab 5, 1441 on the Hijri Lunar calendar and Hoot 10, 1398 on the Hijri Solar calendar, in duplicate, in Pashto, Dari, and English languages, each text being equally authentic.
دا د هغوی لارښود دی چې تاسې ته يې په دوحه د همدې پنجاب او دوحې په منځګړيتوب ټاکلی او تاسې ورسره منلې او ژمنه کړې چې څنګه يې پلي کوئ؟
ستاسې له خبرو اوس داسې ښکاري چې پلمې هم همدا تاسې لټوئ او ټولشموله حکومت اوس د نورو په لمسون او هڅونه او هم د خپل ساده توب له د ځان په ګټه او د نورو په ګټه تعبيروئ. بس دی چې په تېر جهادي او طالبي پير کې په يوه او بله پلمه تېر ايستل شو. تاسې اوس پر ټول واک خېټه اچولې او په دې ټولواکۍ کې به په ارامه هېڅکله په کور دننه او بهر پاتې نه شئ.
د بل چا په خوله خبرې مه کوئ. خپله خوله درپورې ده. د بل له غېږې او له څنګه نړۍ ته ليک مه استوئ هغه هم د نورو په ژبه چې دا ستاسې هغه سياسي خپلواکي تر سختې پورې لاندې راولي. افغانستان خپل ادرس لري او بايد له خپل ادرسه ورسره د ملګرو ملتونو له ليارې تعامل وشي.
سيد حسين پاچا