Dr. M. Usman Taraki in Interview with Dawat:

Interviewer: Mohammed Tariq Bazgar

By admin Last updated Aug 1, 2025

Note: This interview was published in issue 247 of Dawat Magazine and is now presented to the readers and followers of Dawat Media 24.

Nationalist sentiments in Pashtunkhwa are growing rapidly. Currently, anti-Pakistan sentiments in Afghanistan seem stronger than ever before.
In short, the Taliban caravan—out of control—is heading toward “Turkestan.”
It’s unlikely this extremist group will succeed in the ongoing ideological war with Afghans and the world.
Taliban leaders welcomed our suggestions but gave no guarantees for implementation.
It appears that Dawat remains committed to the mission of strengthening national unity.

Bazger: Where is Afghanistan headed?

Taraki: In a year and a half, the Taliban have proven they lack the capacity to build a modern Islamic state. The reasons are:

The Taliban come from rural backgrounds and are graduates of mosques and madrasas, making it difficult for them to align with modern global values.
They claim their regime is based on “pure Islam,” but their interpretation of Islam clashes with the principles of modern governance.
The withdrawal of foreign forces gave them a false sense of pride.
They expect the Islamic world to recognize an emirate that lacks a constitution and bans girls’ education and women’s employment through un-Islamic fatwas.
They ignore advice from Islamic nations and religious institutions.
The Taliban consider their Islamic Emirate a victorious model of jihad against the “infidel world.”
They expect allegiance from Islamic countries instead of learning from them.
Their false pride, tribal mindset, extremist Deobandi interpretations, and insistence on their position have downgraded their status to that of a Deobandi madrasa.
They built a self-centered system led by mullahs and view educated Muslims as secular enemies.
Their non-Islamic actions—especially regarding girls’ and women’s education and employment—have isolated their regime both internationally and within the Islamic world.

In short, the Taliban’s out-of-control caravan is heading to “Turkestan.”

Bazger: Given the current reality, can the Taliban regime survive?

Taraki: The West, with a long history of coups and conspiracies against pure Islamic movements, will never allow the Taliban to deprive girls and women of their international rights under the banner of extremism and internal affairs.

Sanctions, lack of recognition, and destabilization are part of the West’s daily agenda.

The Taliban’s regime may not collapse overnight, but mounting security, diplomatic, and economic pressures are weakening it and bringing it closer to collapse—at the cost of more suffering for the people.

Bazger: You recently traveled to Afghanistan and met with most Taliban leaders. Could you tell our readers about your visit?

Taraki: My visit to Kabul aimed to:

Share the views of educated Afghans with Taliban leaders.
Bridge the gap between secular education and religious madrasas.
Reduce misunderstanding and distrust between mullahs and the educated class.
Deliver the message that a regime monopolized by clerics creates enemies both inside and outside and cannot survive.

I met with many government officials, including an exceptional opportunity to meet Sheikh Hibatullah Akhundzada.

Our discussion topics with Taliban leaders included:

Setting a timeline for the interim government.
Creating a professional commission to draft a constitution.
Moving national issues out of the clerical inner circle and into the hands of the Loya Jirga.
Forming a cabinet based on expertise.
Preventing fatwas against Islamic teachings and modern values.
Prosecuting national traitors and war criminals.

Their response was formal and polite. They welcomed our suggestions but gave no commitment to implementation.

Bazger: For 20 years, you supported the Taliban as a Muslim nationalist Afghan. Now, due to their extremist decisions, you’ve distanced yourself. What is your view of their future?

Taraki: During the resistance and jihad, supporting the Taliban was necessary. They were the only armed group fighting the occupiers.
But when they took over after independence, they took actions contrary to Islamic principles and modern governance standards. This caused them to lose many of their ethnic and ideological allies. The blame lies with an extremist faction within the Taliban movement.

This small group forces its ideological views—even those contradicting Islamic teachings—on others.
As this group gains more control, its tendency toward fundamentalism increases.
The West believes that recognizing the Taliban regime might lead to more bans on social freedoms.
It’s unlikely this extremist group will win the current ideological battle with Afghans or the world.

But if the regime collapses due to its own rigidity, a new uncontrollable crisis may erupt.
The Taliban tie their survival to the lack of a political alternative.

Bazger: Many Afghan women and children are imprisoned in Pakistan, treated inhumanely. Despite Taliban claims of defeating 52 nations, they’ve said little about this. Why are they silent?

Taraki: The Taliban have shown weak responses to Pakistan’s mistreatment of Afghans.
Security clashes in Spin Boldak and Torkham have disrupted trade.
Pakistan treats Afghanistan like a protectorate and sees Afghans as leftover war captives.
Their behavior violates international law, but as long as Afghanistan remains diplomatically isolated, it cannot raise its voice globally.

Bazger: Pakistan blames Afghan Taliban for supporting Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). What is the truth?

Taraki: The Afghan Taliban lack the resources to support TTP militarily.
They are already in a cold war with the world and don’t want a second front with Pakistan.
Some emotionally driven members might offer moral and political support to TTP.

Nationalist sentiments are surging in Pashtunkhwa.
Currently, anti-Pakistan feelings in Afghanistan are at an all-time high.
The West sees the tribal regions of Pashtunkhwa as terrorist sanctuaries and is reconsidering the Durand Line’s geopolitical implications.

Afghanistan’s strategic depth has shifted to Waziristan.
This is a historic opportunity to challenge the colonial Durand Line—but only if Afghanistan gains legitimacy and international recognition.

Over 54 years, Pakistan acted as Afghanistan’s political broker.
Without a legitimate Afghan government:

Pakistan helped invaders with genocidal plans against Pashtuns.
Built fences unilaterally along the Durand Line.
Annexed FATA, historically considered a buffer zone, during U.S. invasion chaos.

The Taliban adopted a passive “good neighbor” policy with Pakistan and don’t allow attacks from Afghan soil.

They didn’t want to protect TTP, their fellow jihadists, from Pakistani attacks. In a recent attack (02/03/2023), six TTP leaders were killed.

The Taliban regime lacks the capacity for conventional war with Pakistan but could exploit TTP and the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (led by Manzoor Pashteen) as pressure tools—once their own internal legitimacy is secured.

Support for TTP and PTM connects Afghanistan to a regional “Great Game” driven by the West and targeting Pakistan.
Afghanistan can only benefit if it has a recognized national government and escapes diplomatic isolation.

Bazger: Afghans are hopeless. Is there any sign of hope?

Taraki: For the first time in history, clerics have taken full power, and rural mentality dominates urban society.
Afghan society faces severe contradictions:

Rural vs. urban thinking,
Madrasa vs. school,
Clergy vs. secularism,
Religion vs. modernity.

The Taliban want to suppress these contradictions from the pulpit. They use force, mix religion with politics, and transform governance into mosque sermons. In short, Afghanistan has become “Talibistan.”

In 20 months of rule, civil life has been severely restricted:
No constitution, bans on girls’ and women’s education/work, sidelining of national symbols (flag, anthem, Loya Jirga, native terminology), and the outlawing of arts and music.
Government runs on fatwas from one extremist group, which has essentially sabotaged its own regime.

Bazger: Taliban government is made of clerics. They don’t get along with professionals or educated people. What’s the impact on cultural society?

Taraki: In some areas, cultural life has regressed to the dark Saghawi era.

Taliban’s monopolistic power and the helplessness of the educated class will result in:

Accelerated brain drain and dominance of conservative forces.
Educated youth fleeing abroad, making foreign actors stakeholders in Afghan politics.
Many professionals educated in the West; Taliban’s hostility toward them is interpreted as hostility toward Western culture, delaying international recognition.
Without Muslim professionals and diplomats, the Taliban can’t build a legitimate, modern Islamic government.

Bazger: What urgent issues should the Taliban address?

Taraki:

They’ve shown competence in ensuring security and building a pious administration.
But key governance gaps remain.

Priority actions should include:

Reopen schools for girls with the new academic year.
Lift bans on women’s employment.
Form a commission to draft a constitution.

Without a constitution, the regime will:

Lack domestic legitimacy.
Remain unrecognized internationally.
Be unable to claim reparations for war damages.
Fail to prosecute war criminals.
Be unable to legally define armed opposition as insurgency.

Bazger: Dawat Magazine is now 34 years old. As a long-term contributor, what are your thoughts?

Taraki: Dispersed Afghan migrants worldwide need effective communication tools to:

Maintain connections,
Stay informed about homeland events,
Find emotional relief from exile.

Afghan media abroad has tried to fill this gap.

Many diaspora publications launched during early refugee years, mostly foreign-funded. Over time, only those with solid funding and reader support survived.

Dawat passed this test. I have supported Dawat since its inception because:

Its design aligns with modern journalism and IT standards.
It balances Pashto and Dari content.
Upholds national and Islamic values.
Opposes sectarians, federalists, and anti-Afghan factions, bringing in vibrant new writers.

In short, Dawat‘s archives and columns are a treasure for researchers.
Its contributors now include high-level scholars and proficient writers in both Pashto and Dari.
It clearly remains committed to national unity.

As a loyal contributor, I congratulate Dawat on its 34th anniversary and wish journalist Bazgar further success in serving our homeland.

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