The Rising Anger of Morocco’s Generation Z: A Complex Social Explosion

Morocco recently witnessed a wave of protests that swept through cities and towns of all sizes, from major urban centers to small villages. These demonstrations were called for by “Generation Z” or the digital revolution generation, broadly defined as those aged between 13 and 28, mobilizing around core social demands for better healthcare and education.

This social unrest did not emerge in a vacuum. It was the culmination of a series of simmering events that exposed deep-seated grievances:

• In July, thousands of people of all ages marched over 100 kilometers in the High Atlas mountains from Ait Bougemaz, demanding basic necessities like a doctor for their local clinic.

• In August, so-called “thirst protests” erupted in the Middle Atlas, denouncing the lack of access to running water.

• In September, vigils were held outside a hospital in Agadir following the tragic deaths of eight women during childbirth.

Against this backdrop of social crisis, the “Gen Z” movement called for a nationwide protest on September 28th. The authorities, in a first phase, banned the demonstration, citing the lack of a permit from an anonymous organizer, and proceeded to disperse the protesters.

Undeterred, the youth returned to the streets the following day, September 29th, in a second phase. Demonstrating their digital savvy, they outmaneuvered the security forces by using platforms like Discord to coordinate, constantly shifting the times and locations of their gatherings.

The security response during this phase was inconsistent, oscillating between restraint and harshness. An official security expert described it as a “balanced intervention.” There were moments of apparent understanding between protesters and police, juxtaposed with scenes of tension and clashes in others.

A third, more violent phase began on September 30th. The protests devolved into riots, marked by acts of sabotage, property damage, and looting. This escalation was starkly visible in the rural commune of Ait Omaira near Agadir, where a post office was burned down, and in the nearby city of Inezgane, where a commercial square was vandalized. The unrest peaked on October 1st with an attempted storming of a gendarmerie station in Al-Qala’a, where rioters set the facade ablaze, broke fences, and lit smoke-generating materials to force the officers out, hoping to seize weapons. This critical threat to security prompted the gendarmerie to open fire.

This wave of destruction and looting spread to other cities like Salé and, significantly, to historically non-protesting regions in the southeast such as Errachidia, Ouarzazate, and Zagora. This geographic spread signals a profound shift in Morocco’s protest landscape, reaching areas traditionally known for their passivity.

A fourth phase appears to be emerging post-riot, with the “Z” organization reclaiming the initiative. They are reaffirming their commitment to peaceful protest, distancing themselves from suspicious elements advocating violence, while the security forces have scaled back their direct interventions.

An Unprecedented Movement in Modern Morocco

These protests are unprecedented in Morocco’s modern history in both nature and form. Past protests were typically localized to a specific city for a single day. They also differ from longer-lasting movements like the February 20th protests during the Arab Spring, which were overtly political, and the Hirak Rif movement, which had a strong regional character.

While there is a broad consensus across political actors, civil society, and even the government on the legitimacy of the social demands for improved health and education, and a universal condemnation of violence, deep divisions remain on how these demands should be voiced. Some within the establishment view the social agenda as a mere pretext for a primarily political bet. This perspective is fueled by some of the slogans chanted during the protests, suggesting that while the outward face of the demonstrations is social, an underlying political current runs beneath.

The Roots of Discontent: A Two-Tiered Nation

The social question is, of course, not unknown to the public authorities. The poor performance of public services, deficits in infrastructure and human resources, and stark social inequalities and visible poverty in cities are plain for all to see.

This vulnerability, or “precarity” in official terminology, was exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, the fallout from the Russian-Ukrainian war, subsequent inflation, and successive years of drought.

King Mohammed VI himself, in his Throne Day speech on July 29th, had condemned a “Morocco of two speeds.” The country is indeed moving at two different paces: one a glittering facade of development, the other a grim reality of a neglected Morocco.

It is this stark contrast, amplified and exposed by social media, leaks, and the digital revolution, that fuels public fury. Any astute observer could see that this gap between the two Moroccos was a recipe for tension.

A Shift in Political Culture and a Vacuum of Leadership

Parallel to the sharpening social crisis, Morocco’s political culture has undergone a noticeable transformation. New actors with new tools have emerged: a youth segment weaned on the digital revolution, globally connected, cyber-savvy, adept at digital stealth, and increasingly favoring English over French as a foreign language.

Politics in Morocco, as elsewhere, has become distorted. Most parties have devolved into electoral machines chasing votes, with ministerial appointments often disconnected from political merit or sectoral expertise. Spaces for substantive debate, both within and outside parties, have vanished. The traditional press, once a forum for discussion, has seen its role diminish in the face of social media, which favors virality and shouting matches over reasoned discourse. Official media has negligible influence.

Even respected intellectuals and academics have not been immune, often lured by the allure of podcasts and public appearances, prioritizing follower counts over analytical depth. The result is a Morocco largely devoid of a cohesive political class and a robust intellectual elite, led by ministers often lacking charisma and communication skills—the very basics of political action. This is not to say eloquent politicians and shrewd intellectuals do not exist, but their influence has waned.

This leadership vacuum eventually erupted in anger. As researcher Abdelhay Kiret astutely noted, these protests are not merely a spontaneous act but the product of an accumulation of “policies of triviality,” where society was deprived of its natural tools for rationally channeling frustration, leaving violence to fill the void left by the absence of thought and critique.

Compounding Factors: Oligarchies and Administrative Dualism

Social inequalities have bred resentment, particularly with the rise of financial oligarchies—wealthy individuals who not only influence political decision-making but often direct and control it by infiltrating parties, attaining power, and placing their associates in key positions.

The problem is not just a two-tiered society but also a two-tiered administration. While some sectors are highly effective, equipped with substantial means and human resources meeting international standards, others are failing miserably. The country boasts state-of-the-art private schools alongside struggling public ones, and advanced private clinics stand in stark contrast to public hospitals lacking both material and human resources, further crippled by a flawed policy of voluntary departure for medical professionals. Even the traditionally effective Ministry of Interior has become mired in technicalities and procedural rigidity at the expense of efficiency and results.

Furthermore, a significant factor altering the political mood is the ongoing war in Gaza. The situation has fueled public anger, and elements of solidarity with Gaza have become intertwined with the expression of domestic social concerns. Pro-Palestinian demonstrations are used to voice local social issues, and social demands are employed to express solidarity with Gaza.

A Fundamental Shift and the Challenge Ahead

The recent protests have fundamentally upended the national conversation. As one youth activist stated, the public debate has shifted from the lineup of the national football team to questions of governmental priorities, public affairs management, and the very structure of power.

These protests are a seismic jolt that could put the country back on track, not only by addressing deficits in social services but by forcing a comprehensive re-evaluation of public governance. Regardless of the authorities’ short-term response, the medium-term imperative is to confront the reality of a Moroccan society whose structure, culture, and reference points have irrevocably changed.

A critical segment that demands study is the minors who participated, revealing a latent violence and anger stemming from social alienation. This calls into question all agents of socialization: the family, the school, the media, and intermediary bodies like parties and civil society.

A new Morocco is stirring within the womb of the old society. The challenge is to ensure a safe delivery for both the newborn and the mother. The demand for change must not threaten the state’s structure, social cohesion, or hard-won national gains. The transition between generations must be smooth. The pivotal question remains: Will Morocco have the midwife capable of meeting the profound challenge laid bare by these recent protests?

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