A new television station, Nomad TV, is poised to launch in Kyrgyzstan, but its promise of “independent” news is being met with deep skepticism and concern. With key editorial roles filled by veteran Russian state media figures and funding linked to a fugitive oligarch, analysts fear the station is a sophisticated tool for Moscow to launder its propaganda and reassert its waning influence in Central Asia.
The launch, scheduled for November 27, is strategically timed just days before Kyrgyzstan’s snap parliamentary elections on November 30. This has raised further alarms that the station could be used to shape public opinion in favor of President Sadyr Japarov, who has systematically rolled back democratic freedoms, and to consolidate a pro-Kremlin narrative at a critical political juncture.
Simonyan’s Protégé in Command
At the heart of the concerns is Anna Abakumova, a senior producer at Nomad TV. Her credentials are not those of an independent journalist, but of a Kremlin insider. Abakumova was a senior producer for RT (Russia Today), the Russian state’s flagship international propaganda network. Her work since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine has included producing frontline reports from Russian-occupied territories, for which she received personal awards from Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin.
Most tellingly, Abakumova is a close associate of Margarita Simonyan, RT’s editor-in-chief and one of the Kremlin’s most influential and hardened propagandists. At a fundraising event in 2024, Simonyan personally introduced Abakumova as RT’s chief producer, underscoring her seniority and trust within the state media apparatus.
“The fact that Simonyan’s direct associate is at the helm of Nomad TV is a clear signal of the project’s intent,” said Ruslan Akmatbek, a political analyst. “This isn’t a simple media venture; it’s a deliberate attempt by the Kremlin to create a propaganda outlet tailored for the Kyrgyz and Central Asian audience.”
A Broader Network of Influence
Nomad TV’s connections extend beyond its newsroom. The station is linked to a wider network of Russian soft-power organizations, notably the non-profit group Evrazia, which opened an office in Bishkek in 2024. Evrazia, which trains journalists and facilitates trips to Russia, counts Margarita Simonyan on its Board of Trustees.
The founder of Evrazia is Ilan Shor, a fugitive Moldovan oligarch convicted of masterminding a $1 billion bank fraud. After escaping to Russia, Shor obtained Russian citizenship and has since been implicated in efforts to destabilize Moldova’s government. His involvement provides a shadowy financial and political backbone to the media initiative, suggesting a coordinated strategy that blends media influence with political subversion.
The “Soft Power” Play: Buying Influence and Loyalty
Nomad TV’s strategy for gaining credibility and market share is straightforward and effective: financial muscle. The station has aggressively recruited dozens of experienced journalists from both state and private Kyrgyz broadcasters by offering salaries that are often double or triple the local market rate.
“They call journalists and ask, ‘How much do you make?’” explained Ilyazbek Baltashev, director of Channel 7 and chairman of the Union of Journalists of Kyrgyzstan. “If someone says, ‘I get 50,000 soms,’ they immediately say, ‘I’ll give you 100,000 soms,’ and pull them away.”
This mass poaching achieves two goals: it instantly staffs the station with familiar, trusted faces for the Kyrgyz audience, while simultaneously draining talent and expertise from existing domestic media, potentially weakening independent voices.
A Strategic Response to a Shifting Geopolitical Landscape
The launch of Nomad TV is widely seen as a direct response to Moscow’s growing anxiety over its eroding influence in its former Soviet backyard. The war in Ukraine has alienated many in Central Asia, and regional leaders have been cautiously asserting their independence, building stronger ties with the West, Turkey, and China.
“The Kremlin is worried about losing its sphere of influence,” explained analyst Ruslan Akmatbek. “Leaders in Central Asian countries are speaking English, building relations with the West. Turkey is taking action on one side, China on the other. And there’s the war with Ukraine. This is an attempt to keep us in their grip for the long-term.”
The move also compensates for recent setbacks in Russia’s information war. In 2022, YouTube blocked channels run by Russian state media, significantly curtailing their reach in Central Asia, where the platform is a primary news source. A new, locally-based television station that blends local content with Kremlin-approved narratives is a way to bypass these digital sanctions.
As Nomad TV prepares to go on air, the stage is set for a new chapter in the information battle for Central Asia. The station’s launch represents a classic hybrid warfare tactic: using economic leverage, trusted local personalities, and the veneer of independent media to advance the strategic interests of the Kremlin, all while the country it operates in stands at a fragile democratic crossroads.
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