Pashtuns and Emotional Politics

Dr. Anwar Dawar

60

If one looks closely at the political history of the Pashtuns, a clear and obvious reality appears: Pashtuns have often entered politics through emotions and sentiments rather than through reason. At times in the name of honor, at times in the name of victimhood, at times in the name of religion, and at times in the name of ethnic insult and humiliation, people have been provoked. Yet the result of all this has mostly remained the same: sacrifice, loss, and in the end, being left empty-handed in politics.

Emotions and sentiments are not bad in themselves. In fact, they are the lifeblood of every living nation’s movement. The problem arises when emotions and sentiments take the place of thought and policy. When they replace policy, people begin to act without reflection and reasoning. This has happened many times in Pashtun politics. Rallies have been organized on the basis of slogans. Movements have arisen out of anger. Leaders were skilled at expressing the pain of the people, but weak at presenting practical solutions.

Emotional politics gathers people quickly in the short term, but exhausts them in the long term. Pashtuns have often risen in reaction to a sudden incident, an act of injustice, or an insult. These uprisings were powerful, emotional, and full of sacrifices. But when the heat of emotions cooled down, the movements also weakened and faded, because such politics was not built on strong institutions, organized policies, and sustained thinking, but only on the flame of emotions.

States especially powerful governments understand this weakness very well. They know that an emotional nation is the easiest to control. When Pashtuns are provoked through emotions, the use of reason and critical questioning is pushed aside. No one asks, What is the goal? What is the path? How long will the sacrifices continue? And who will benefit? At this point, emotional politics is used as a weapon against the people themselves.

Another problem is that emotional politics is often tied to personality worship. People follow an individual instead of a strategy or policy. Any leader who speaks well, cries, shows anger, and stirs the emotions of the people quickly becomes a hero. But when the time comes for difficult decisions, organization, negotiation, and long-term planning, the same leader appears weak and ineffective. This is because they, too, emerged from emotion rather than from deep thought and solid policy.

Emotional politics also sows the seeds of division. Anyone who disagrees with emotional slogans is labeled a traitor. Those who ask questions are seen as enemies or agents. Rational debate is considered a sign of weakness. This environment has further fragmented Pashtun political society. Instead of disagreement becoming a tool for growth and progress, it takes the form of hostility.

If Pashtuns want to break free from the repetition of history, they must remove emotions from the center of politics, but not from the heart. Emotions should be the energy for movement, but reason should be the guide. Politics must be built on numbers, strong institutions, awareness, reason, law, economy, education, and long-term national goals not merely on anger and sentiment.

Emotional politics has given Pashtuns many martyrs but few rights. It has produced many heroes but very few institutions. It has demanded many sacrifices but delivered very little result. Now is the time to courageously ask: will we continue with tears, anger, misplaced emotions, and slogans, or will we open the way for reason, awareness, discipline, and national thinking?

Until Pashtuns move from emotional politics to intellectual politics, history will continue to repeat the same story. Only new names and new slogans will emerge, but the outcome will remain the same as before.

 

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